1. Major New Institutions in the Modern World,
   The textbook says there are three
   1. The market, see definitions, p. 462-
   2. Legal-rational bureaucracy, see p. 492.
   3. Factory industrialism, see p. 462
      
      To this, I would add:
      
      
   4. The Nation-State and Nationalism
      
      
2. The Nation-State:
   
   Ideally is the association of one territory with one people united under one government.
   
   
3. Nationalism is the ideology that rationalizes (and sometimes brings about) the nation-state. Its territory is thought to be sacred and immutably identified with its people, who are thought to share a common ancestry or birth (nation derives from the Latin word for birth). Nationalists claim the right to govern themselves, although too often demagogues rule them in the name of Nationalism.
   
   Nationalism is invariably linked to a number of powerful symbols:
   1. Sacred sites (battlefields, shrines, old capital cities, etc.)
   2. Language. Nationalists often standardize one local dialect as the national language, or even revive a dead one, as the Greek nationalists after 1820 tried to revive classical Greek and the Israelis revived classical Hebrew starting in the 1920s (thus losing Yiddish and its splendid literature in the process). Under Mustafa Kemal Ataturk the Turks changed their written language from Arabic to Roman script, thus differentiating themselves from most of the peoples of their former empire, who used Arabic script (Arabs and all other Muslims) or Greek, Cyrillic, or Armenian scripts (Eastern Orthodox Christians).
   3. Myths of the deeds of often distant ancestors, this can mean reviving folklore epics.
      
   4. Nationalism combines much of ETHNOCENTRISM (defined p. 19) and PROTEST MOVEMENTS (defined p. 523)
      
      
4. Guatemala as a Nation-State
   
   As anyone who reads Life Cycles in Alotenango knows, the nation-state and nationalism are relatively weak in Guatemala. This is so because the country is divided ethnically and culturally, with two main groups, Indians and Ladinos, divided into strong locally oriented communities. Ladinos tend to look to their local networks of patronage for advancement; Indians cling to their closed corporate peasant communes. The school system is the main instrument of "nation building," inculcating the national language---Spanish---and a mythic view of the nation's past. Nationalism is much stronger in Mexico, where the Ladino or "mestizo" segment of the population is more strongly identified with common descent ("la raza") and constitutes the vast majority of the population, and where the glorious deeds of the Mexican Revolution of 1910-17 provide the symbolic cement nationalism needs.
   
   
5. The Break-Up of the Ottoman Empire more-or-less into Nation-States
   
   At its height in the 16th and 17th centuries, the Ottoman Empire was the world's only superpower, kept in check only by the combined forces of Austria and Spain, united under the Hapsburg monarchy. (The French, in contrast, allied themselves with the Ottomans against the former.) By 1900 the Turkish empire was the "sick man of Europe." Remember there was no nation-state of "Turkey," there was only the Ottoman Empire. Turks were united not by loyalty to place, ethnicity, or language, but only by their dynasty, the House of Osman, and the religious symbols it controlled.
   
   Looking at a map of the Ottoman Empire at its height, we see that to the west and north it was diminished by new nation-states breaking away. First were the Greeks, who started their nationalist wars of independence in the 1820s, establishing "Greece" in their heartlands in the 1840s. But they did not include all Greeks; the Aegean coast of Asia Minor, now in Turkey, was entirely Greek, as was much of the Black Sea coast of Anatolia. Moreover Greeks were scattered in villages and towns throughout Anatolia (the central peninsula that is the heart of today's Turkey). The city of Constantinople, today's Istanbul, was largely a Greek city in population.
   
   To the north, after the First Balkan War of the 1870s, Turkey's defeat by Russia assured the break away of Rumania. A people who had never formed a united nation before, the Rumanians speak a romance language derived from Latin, but are Orthodox, not Roman Catholic, Christians. (Today they are divided into Moldava---a former Soviet Socialist Republic on lands annexed by Stalin in 1945 and Rumania.) At the same time in the 1870s Serbia also broke away.
   
   After the Second Balkan War in 1912, Bulgaria broke away; the Serbs, however, claiming a portion of Bulgaria, called it Macedonia, and in effect elevated the Macedonian dialect of Bulgaria into a separate language. From a purely linguistic point of view, Bulgaria-Macedonia could have easily formed one nation, with one of their dialects being elevated to the national, written language.
   
   Albania, really a mountaineer horizon of insolent tribesmen, became a nation-state by default after the other Balkan states broke away. Albanians share a common, ancient, Indo-European language. Unlike their neighbors they do not share a common religion. They are split among Roman Catholics, Eastern Orthodox Christians, and Muslims. Again unlike their neighbors, they had enthusiastically welcomed the Ottomans and disproportionately staffed the Ottoman bureaucracy and army over the centuries. That is one reason their neighbors are ready to hate them today. After the First World War, two of the victors, France and Britain, took away Turkey's Arab territories and formed protectorates: Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine and Transjordan, Egypt. These countries were all subject to pan-Arab nationalism, which, however, was never strong enough a force to let any leader unite them. The French created Lebanon in an attempt to protect Arab Christians, who formed a majority there at the time. Arab Christians could not themselves form a nationalist movement since they were divided among Maronites, Greek Orthodox, and Syrian Orthodox churches. With the exception of Egypt, these countries have not formed particularly strong nation-states.
   
   In contrast, Palestine became the Jewish state of Israel after World War Two. European Jewish settlers, attracted by Zionism, or Jewish nationalism calling for a Jewish homeland around sacred sites, established a beachhead there in Ottoman times. Their numbers were swelled by refugees from Europe during and after the Nazi genocide of Jews. Israel, like Greece, is now a classic nation-state, although it does have a sizable Arab minority within Israel itself (not counting the occupied Palestinian territories).
   
   Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, an Ottoman general and victor at the tremendous battle of Gallipoli and subsequently a revitalization leader (see Chapter 13), established today's nation-state of Turkey after crushing defeat in World War One, in which the city of Constantinople was occupied by British forces and the sultan made captive in his own palace. In addition the Greeks invaded Anatolia hoping to re-establish the Byzantine empire. Ataturk defeated them and drove them out, expelling the settled Greeks on the Aegean coast in the process. Turks around Thessalonika, ceded to Greece, left their lands in a huge exchange of populations.
   
   During the 19th century the Ottomans had struggled valiantly to turn their empire into a constitutional monarchy with a parliament open to all, not only Turks. As the Christian minorities broke away to form the nation-states of the Balkans, a Turkish nationalist movement started in response. The "Young Turks," nationalist members of the Ottoman elite, seized power in Constantinople in 1905 and ruled in the interest of Turks, not of the minorities. When World War One broke out they allied themselves, for no good reason, with Germany and Austria-Hungary, waging war against Russia and exposing themselves to British invasion by sea at Gallipoli.
   
   Turkish troops under Enver Pasha invaded Russian Armenia in 1915 only to meet defeat and tremendous loss of life at the hands of the Russians. Retreating into eastern Anatolia, territory heavily populated by Armenians, Turkish authorities began a process of ethnic cleansing, expelling the Armenian population and marching them into the Syrian desert. By 1919 the Turkish government estimated 800,000 Armenians had died; their German allies put the figure at 1,500,000. Other sources estimate that between 2,000,000 to 2,500,000 lost their lives.
   
   The Turkish republic founded by Ataturk has embraced a modern, reformist, and progressive nationalism. There are three recognized and very small minority ethnic groups in Turkey today: Jews, whose home language is a form of Spanish; Greeks, many of whom left after the war between Greece and Turkey over Cyprus in the 1970s, and perhaps 30,000 Armenians, mainly in Istanbul. There are over 60 million people in Turkey, and perhaps fourteen million belong to an unrecognized minority, the Kurds, of whom there are around two million in today's Istanbul. Kurds form a "nation" of insolent mountaineer tribesmen in a frontier region covering the borders of Turkey, Iraq, Iran and Syria. Some Kurdish nationalist want an independent Kurdistan. Others want an autonomous province within Turkey. Since Kurds are Muslims, the nationalistic Turkish government has wanted them to assimilate to Turkish culture, and forbidden until recently the public use of the Kurdish language, which is related to Persian, not Turkish. (As insolent mountaineers, traditionally grouped in tribes, Kurds share many traits with the Albanians; the difference is that the Kurds are Muslims [although a very few are Zoroastrians] and have never formed a nation-state.)
   
   In addition, until recently the Turkish government has steadfastly refused to admit to the genocide of the Armenians or even to discuss it. The topic was tabu in Turkey. The film A Wall of Silence: the Unspoken Fate of the Armenians, brings together a Turkish scholar, Taner Akçam, who has courageously studied the genocide and published his studies in Turkish, with Armenian professor Vahakn Dadrian (who was born in Istanbul). Akçam wants Turkey to be reconciled to its past and to live in peace and reconciliation with its neighbors, the Armenians, who occupy the newly independent nation-state of Armenia, formerly a Soviet republic.

A copy of this film is to be on reserve for viewing in Leavey Library.